After the tour of the wall, we gather to meet in a large municipal
community room, U shaped table, ceiling fans stirring the hot air, thin young
men in jeans sit near older men, some heavy set, mostly from Budrus,
(population 1600,) and nearby Qibya. There is embroidery on the walls, large faded
posters. A group of young women students arrive, each more beautiful in
artistically draped, colorful hijabs and long coats; they sit in their own
circle in the back, “by choice” we are assured by an older male English
teacher.
Ayad expresses his warm feelings that we are visiting and outlines
general introductions and the history of struggle that resounds from village to
village, the understanding that Palestinians have learned from the US civil
rights movement, although they have to express their resistance in their own
particular way. We learn from the
popular committee that the adjacent village of Qibya was the site of a horrific
massacre in 1953 when the IDF entered, led by Ariel Sharon, and killed 77
Palestinians in an attempt to drive them from their land. They are still here.
I look at the surrounding faces, wrinkled sun-cracked farmers, sweet young men,
hungry nervous looks, a friendly shy smile, eyes hardened from years of
difficulty, easy hugging and warm physicality among the young men. A few men
are rolling tobacco and smoking, others
sip Coke or Orange soda, as we all feast on rice, chicken, and
vegetables prepared by Nami, Ayad’s wife, and a number of other village women and
daughters who are not at the meeting.
Ayad explains that in 2003
there were three checkpoints between Budrus and the “mother city” of Ramallah,
and people often waited at least one hour at each checkpoint. The solders would demand that he stand ten
meters from his car, take off his clothes, turn around, and this ritual was
repeated at each checkpoint. When in
2003 the Israelis began building the apartheid wall in Budrus, uprooting trees and
tearing a path through their farmland, the people decided to take the path of
Martin Luther King and Gandhi. They
decided to struggle, but not to kill, to create political pressure to convince
the world that they are not terrorists, are not against Israelis or Jews, but
against occupation.
On the first day of the demonstration, an Israeli said to Ayad,
“Are you crazy? What you are doing here? You think a small village can change
Israeli governmental decision?” The villagers jumped on the bulldozers that
were protected by three soldiers, 30 minutes later, seven border police jeeps
arrived and the bulldozers turned away. The next day many more men, women and
children came, chanting, “We can do it, we can do is,” faced down by many more
soldiers. As the struggle continued, sometimes they demonstrated daily, or
three times per day, or weekly, a fierce battle of endurance between bodies and
bulldozers. The IDF killed a 17 year old boy, 200 people were injured, 150
arrested. Ayad and others spent years in
and out of jail, the village was often under curfew. Ayad talks about the price of nonviolent
struggle, “We must be ready to pray this price; freedom is expensive. We were very
sorry to lose this kid, all the people in the village crying, a huge funeral,
three days condolences, and then we must keep going.”
A seven to 16 member committee met daily in open meetings, but the
media didn’t arrive until 70 Palestinians and seven IDF soldiers were
injured. After that, reporters from all
over the world starting showing up and internationals from 35 countries including
Israelis, came to support the effort. After
a long struggle, the fence finally was moved close to the Green Line, 1200 dunams
and 3000 olive trees were saved, and the nonviolent resistance movement spread
to other villages threatened by the wall.
In this part of the world, darkness comes suddenly and we walk to Ayad’s graceful house, lit up at the end of a dusty road. At first I think it is a school or municipal building with its elegant, arched windows and dramatic lighting, but he explains that he is an engineer and he and his family have been working on the house for seven years. The outdoor garden looks like a little Garden of Eden, with limes, lemons, pomelos, grapefruit and other lush fruit trees, a palm tree in the middle, lower branches trimmed to create an arched canopy of wide fronds, bougainvillea, and splashes of flowers, another family project. A welcome coolness settles in and we can see a Jewish settlement lighting up on the next hill. There is a call to prayer and later boisterously loud wedding music nearby.
After another over-the-top Palestinian meal, (cooked by the same
women who we now get to meet, thank, engage, embrace) we join in conversation
with a group of Israeli and US activists, to share the work of the Dorothy
Cotton Institute, and to struggle with the issues at hand, while dogs bark,
cats howl, and an occasional motor cycle drowns us out. Kobi Snitz explains
that for Israelis the movement is defined by Israelis joining on the ground
struggle in solidarity with Palestinians fighting for their human rights. This
has been transforming and invigorating for the Israeli peace movement. A rich dialogue ensues: each Israeli talks
about the transformative process that opened his or her eyes to the brutality
of Israeli occupation, whether an event, (attack on Gaza), a personal
experience, (serving in the army, doing media work for an NGO), seeing the
movie Budrus, participating in a group (Machsom Watch, Taayush). We explore the
meaning of privilege, the challenge of being inclusive, the lack of mindfulness
and spirituality in the movement, the role of Anarchists Against the Wall (and
how they chose their name), the shock of discovering the realities and that
soldiers and settlers are much more frightening and dangerous than the
Palestinians they had been taught to distrust and despise.
Our conversation moves on to how to create a tipping point where
societies change even when the individuals within that society may not have
changed, (think the Egyptian leader, Sadat coming to Israel or civil or gay
rights legislation in the US). We end
reflecting on the politics of fear which is the same in our own country and
“the tool of empire.” We examine the weariness of popular struggles, the
effectiveness of the IDF, the impact of constant intimidation, incursions,
arrests and detention, the lack of emotional and physical reserves in the
village populace and the absence of support from the cities.
Our African American elders begin speaking from the deep well of
their experience. We are reminded that we don’t know when the next big wave is
coming; we need to keep building capacity, we cannot predict where breaks will
come and we have to be prepared and ready for those breaks: the lynching of
Emmett Till in Mississippi in 1955, then Rosa Parks refusal to sit in the back
of the bus, her act of courage growing out of a connection to a black women’s
organization and a long yearning for change.
When King came, people asked him to represent them. “You have control
over staying ready and not let despair and hopelessness beat you down. Be ready
because we need our countries to be different….Once you take your enemies hope
away, they are defeated.”
It is late, the Israelis need to head back and we need to find our
home stays where we are warmly greeted, fed again, and play with a cast of lively
children. Soon I am asleep on a Dora the
Explorer bedspread, curled up in what is obviously the four girls’ bedroom with
two of my sisters in struggle, dreaming of our extraordinary day.
No comments:
Post a Comment